Kapitel 3- sozialpolitische Bedeutung
TEXTILE FREQUENZEN:

2026

Tonaufnahme zur Audioinstallation im Ausstellungsraum

Produktion und Konzeption:

Velina Taskova
Lisa Maria Kocher

Die forschungsbasierte Audioinstallation «Textile Frequenzen» besteht aus einer sorgfältig kuratierten Sammlung von Interviewausschnitten, die einen vielfältigen Einblick in lokale sowie nationale Textilgeschichten wiedergeben. Rapperswil-Jona bildet dabei den zentralen Ausgangspunkt, wobei das auditive Erlebnis auch über die Stadtgrenzen hinaus diesen textilen Verstrickungen nachspürt. Thematisch werden unter anderem die schweizerische Textilindustrie, die sozialpolitischen Bedeutungen und womögliche Leerstellen im historiografischen Diskurs beleuchtet. Entlang der Gewässer spinnen sich die Erzählungen der drei interviewten Expert*innen und werden letztlich in einen globalen Kontext verwoben.

 [EN]

The research-based audio installation “Textile Diaries” consists of a carefully curated collection of interview excerpts that offer a multifaceted insight into local and national textile histories. Rapperswil-Jona serves as the central starting point, though the auditive experience traces these textile entanglements and reaches beyond the town’s borders. Thematically, the project sheds light on topics such as the Swiss textile industry, its socio-political meaning, and potential gaps in historiographical discourses. The narratives of the three interviewed experts unfold along the waterways and are ultimately woven and embedded into a global context.

Expert*innen/Experts:

• Marianne Burki (Kunst- und Architekturhistorikerin, Leiterin TaDa)
• Peter Röllin (Kultur- und Kunstwissenschaftler)
• Nora Baur (Kunsthistorikerin, Restauratorin, Leiterin Museum Neuthal)

CHAPTER III – sociopolitical interweavements

In the textile industry back then, a distinction was made between the so called “Heimarbeit” [home-based work] and “Fabrikarbeit” [factory work]. How did this distinction play into industrial development, and which workers were employed where?

Peter Röllin
In the days of linen production, “Heimarbeit” was very widespread. This meant that there were weaving basements in the farmhouses. It was also a bit damp in those basements, which was important for the linen. For the most part, it was farming families who did this work for the textile industry as a side job.
Marianne Burki
In these weavers’ houses, you can see these large windows on the ground floor, and they kept the looms in the basement because the space needed to be damp but also required plenty of light – so they could produce as much as possible. So, it wasn’t just industrial factories; in the early days, it was primarily people who made these products at home with their families.
Nora Baur
Then there were also those from the farms who came here and depended on their wages from the factory. That’s actually well known, too; that from all the ponds here, the paths led to the factory, and in that sense, both were the norm: living locally – and then you were truly fully integrated into this whole cosmos with the little shop, the bar, and the infrastructure that such a place provided for the factory workers. But that also meant dependencies. Or, as the second norm, that the poorer rural population – [farmers] – were dependent on the work here in the factory.
Marianne Burki
There have been a wide variety of developments, [including] for those who did this “Heimarbeit” [work from home]. This shift is also very easy to observe: It occurred precisely during the era of industrialization, when people suddenly transitioned from working at home to working in factories. And what does it mean when you no longer work from home? It has had incredible social impacts, but also profound effects on the career patterns of men and women.

Question 2: What role did women* play in the (Eastern) Swiss textile industry?

Marianne Burki
When we think about embroidery and lace, it’s obviously a really fascinating topic in terms of women’s social history. Because this embroidery –  this handmade embroidery and the production of lace – was something done by women, and many households in Appenzell relied on it for their livelihood. These women contributed a significant portion of the household income – perhaps in addition to the income from a farming business. In other words, this embroidery made a very important contribution to the economy. And then, with the emergence of machines, these tasks gradually shifted to the men: As soon as the machines arrived, the men operated them, and the women increasingly took on monitoring tasks.

But there have been many examples of this: As soon as the men passed away, the women took over the business. There are many family-run businesses that have operated this way. If we look at Akris, for example, a lot is said about Alice Kriemler; that she steadily built up and expanded the business. It’s a very fascinating part of social history that also illustrates the prestige, respect, and wages associated with different professions. It’s incredibly interesting in terms of the social structure of work; specifically, this shift away from working from home [“Heimarbeit”] to the fact that people no longer work from home [“Fabrikarbeit”].

And what role did children play in the (Eastern) Swiss textile industry?

Peter Röllin
Children were put to work at a very early age – whether doing „Heimarbeit“ at home or in factories. Of course, children worked in factories in Eastern Switzerland as well – especially until the federal factory law brought about a turning point. This meant that children under the age of 14 were no longer allowed to work in factories.
Marianne Burki
Children worked before they went to school and when they came home from school. Whether they were on a farm or somewhere else, this was very common. And with their delicate hands, children were especially good at threading. Later, a wide variety of threading machines were invented. But preparing the loom or starting to embroider – that was an „ideal“ activity for those delicate children’s hands. There were rules, of course, that the children had to go to school – there were also inspections – but there are many stories that there was a signal somewhere in the village when people knew the inspection was coming. Then the children would run upstairs to their rooms or to the living room table and either do their homework or play with toys. As soon as the inspection was over, they were back at work. There were also many malnourished children. I mean, it was also extremely unhealthy working in those damp basements. That resulted in many children who weren’t very healthy, who grew up to be adults who weren’t very healthy either.

To what extent did collective resistance, such as strikes, demonstrations, and protests, manifest itself?

Peter Röllin
It was the entrepreneurs themselves who took the initiative and built housing for workers – so-called boarding houses. But this also meant that they exercised very tight control over the workers. The entrepreneur then built himself a villa, such as Villa Grünfels in Jona. That was the villa of the entrepreneur Braendlin. Staub, who was a very famous tailor in Paris, also built his castle on the Meienberg. And the workers were very dependent on economic fortunes or even on the entrepreneur himself. Especially in Eastern Switzerland, with the embroidery industry, there were also some demonstrations. [Among other things] against „Zollwucher“ – a very topical issue today – because certain tariffs to France [or other destinations] have always varied greatly. Thus, due to crises that have always recurred, there were wage cuts, and therefore the workers also demonstrated over issues such as unemployment, working hours, health, or even child labor. In this context, the 1877 Federal Factory Act ensured order from the outside through state intervention. It was crucial that it was the state institution that established regulations here.
Marianne Burki
In the 20th century, these manifestations emerged. There were various political parties that advocated for these causes, and there were also strikes. In Arbon, there were political debates over how many hours a week workers should work – and how many hours a day. I mean, for a long time, Saturday was just a normal workday. People fought for better wages. Especially with the factories, the work situation suddenly became very different; it’s one thing to have a family business at home, but it’s another when factories offered poor conditions – and unfortunately, that was often the case: People in power positions [such as entrepreneurs] always tried to earn as much as possible. There may have been a few different entrepreneurs, but I mean, those who worked in production never got rich anyway. Never. It was always the merchants. And you’d still find that in many places today: low-cost manufacturing countries that still exist – it’s not those people who have gotten rich or are getting rich off textiles.